Social structure NSDAP and PNF (1919 - 1923). Bonfire. National - revolutionary journal
National - revolutionary magazine. Discourse fire - it echoes the movement marching columns, are preparing for a decisive assault here and Great Adventure. On the horizon this day - Ukrainian here Reconquista tomorrow horizon lights of European Education Revolution, the day after we perevertatymemo universe.
The problem here of studying the social base of the Fascist and National Socialist here movement in the structural evolution transformed here into a powerful mass political party charismatic revolutionary type occupies an important place in the context here of a scientific study of the totalitarian phenomenon. Substantive field of interdisciplinary analysis of this problem lies at the intersection theory of political parties and party systems, political sociology and theory of electoral behavior. Determinism connection between social and class character of political movement or party, programmatic and ideological here foundation and scope of social interests that represent movement or party is certain. In the context of structural-functional paradigm here of studying the phenomenon of generic fascism developed and became the dominant scientific field that paid special attention to the place and role of middle-class social base NSDAP and PNF. A classic example of this approach is the concept of the American sociologist S. Lipset (Seymour Lipset). Lipset believed that there is a clear logical relationship between ideology and social base of the party, pointing to the three major "political family" that emerged after the French Revolution - left, right and centrist. According to the theory of the social basis of political movements developed in the work of Lipset, "Political Man" (1960), left socialist sympathetic to the views of workers and poorer urban sector programs supported by the conservative right owners of industrial and agricultural enterprises, managers and people of the liberal professions and representatives traditionalist institutions (church). Democratic Centre relies on the middle class - small business, qualified workers, technicians of anticlerical [1, c. 133]. However, each of the three segments of the political spectrum are democratic and extremist ideologies, and a characteristic feature of the extremist wing is a rejection of democratic management and striving to establish a totalitarian regime by seizing power elites. S. Lipset concluded that a comparative analysis of fascist movements and regimes in different countries reveals the fact of belonging to their extremist ideologies that represent all three types of political ideology. Fascism as a right-wing extremism, according to Lipset submitted modes M. Horthy in Hungary (1920 - 1944), here A. Salazar in Portugal (1932 - 1968) and E. Dollfussa (1933 - 1934) in Austria and the non-Nazi nationalist groups German Weimar Republic era; fascism as a left extremism - H. Peron regime in Argentina (1946 - 1955); fascism as a project extremism "center", and thus the middle class - the German National Socialist here movement and the regime of Adolf Hitler (1933 - 1945). here Falanhizm Spanish and Italian Fascism Lipset defined as examples of center-right extremism. Classic fascism in the form of extremism middle class thus located between the poles of conservatism and socialism. S. Lipset class approach, according to which the cause of the coming of fascism to power was considered an independent electoral support of the middle class suffered serious criticism of the advent of comprehensive studies electoral geography NSDAP, which Lipset considered exemplary case of the fascist party in the broadest sense. However, many works that were based on empirical data about the social structure of membership and the electorate of the National here Socialists in some regions of Germany and at the national level, give reason to talk about comprehensive nature of the social base NSDAP and uniform representation of all segments of the population. An example of such work can be called the study of the German scientist H.Vinklera "The movement of the middle class or the National Party? On the social base of the NSDAP "[2, p. 97-118]. Developing an approach Lipset and R. Bendix put forward the thesis that the cause of electoral success NSDAP was apolitical radical sectors of society and the successful mobilization of passive voters here and young people [3, s.357-375]. Analyzing in a similar key structural factors of the victory of National Socialism in Germany, D. Burnham in 1972 formulated the theory of political and religious nationalism, according to which a key role in expanding membership and electoral base unit NSDAP belonged Protestant middle class. Kontrarhumentatsiya some researchers shows that support the middle class, apolitical voter mobilization here and religious structures were not exclusively characteristic features
National - revolutionary magazine. Discourse fire - it echoes the movement marching columns, are preparing for a decisive assault here and Great Adventure. On the horizon this day - Ukrainian here Reconquista tomorrow horizon lights of European Education Revolution, the day after we perevertatymemo universe.
The problem here of studying the social base of the Fascist and National Socialist here movement in the structural evolution transformed here into a powerful mass political party charismatic revolutionary type occupies an important place in the context here of a scientific study of the totalitarian phenomenon. Substantive field of interdisciplinary analysis of this problem lies at the intersection theory of political parties and party systems, political sociology and theory of electoral behavior. Determinism connection between social and class character of political movement or party, programmatic and ideological here foundation and scope of social interests that represent movement or party is certain. In the context of structural-functional paradigm here of studying the phenomenon of generic fascism developed and became the dominant scientific field that paid special attention to the place and role of middle-class social base NSDAP and PNF. A classic example of this approach is the concept of the American sociologist S. Lipset (Seymour Lipset). Lipset believed that there is a clear logical relationship between ideology and social base of the party, pointing to the three major "political family" that emerged after the French Revolution - left, right and centrist. According to the theory of the social basis of political movements developed in the work of Lipset, "Political Man" (1960), left socialist sympathetic to the views of workers and poorer urban sector programs supported by the conservative right owners of industrial and agricultural enterprises, managers and people of the liberal professions and representatives traditionalist institutions (church). Democratic Centre relies on the middle class - small business, qualified workers, technicians of anticlerical [1, c. 133]. However, each of the three segments of the political spectrum are democratic and extremist ideologies, and a characteristic feature of the extremist wing is a rejection of democratic management and striving to establish a totalitarian regime by seizing power elites. S. Lipset concluded that a comparative analysis of fascist movements and regimes in different countries reveals the fact of belonging to their extremist ideologies that represent all three types of political ideology. Fascism as a right-wing extremism, according to Lipset submitted modes M. Horthy in Hungary (1920 - 1944), here A. Salazar in Portugal (1932 - 1968) and E. Dollfussa (1933 - 1934) in Austria and the non-Nazi nationalist groups German Weimar Republic era; fascism as a left extremism - H. Peron regime in Argentina (1946 - 1955); fascism as a project extremism "center", and thus the middle class - the German National Socialist here movement and the regime of Adolf Hitler (1933 - 1945). here Falanhizm Spanish and Italian Fascism Lipset defined as examples of center-right extremism. Classic fascism in the form of extremism middle class thus located between the poles of conservatism and socialism. S. Lipset class approach, according to which the cause of the coming of fascism to power was considered an independent electoral support of the middle class suffered serious criticism of the advent of comprehensive studies electoral geography NSDAP, which Lipset considered exemplary case of the fascist party in the broadest sense. However, many works that were based on empirical data about the social structure of membership and the electorate of the National here Socialists in some regions of Germany and at the national level, give reason to talk about comprehensive nature of the social base NSDAP and uniform representation of all segments of the population. An example of such work can be called the study of the German scientist H.Vinklera "The movement of the middle class or the National Party? On the social base of the NSDAP "[2, p. 97-118]. Developing an approach Lipset and R. Bendix put forward the thesis that the cause of electoral success NSDAP was apolitical radical sectors of society and the successful mobilization of passive voters here and young people [3, s.357-375]. Analyzing in a similar key structural factors of the victory of National Socialism in Germany, D. Burnham in 1972 formulated the theory of political and religious nationalism, according to which a key role in expanding membership and electoral base unit NSDAP belonged Protestant middle class. Kontrarhumentatsiya some researchers shows that support the middle class, apolitical voter mobilization here and religious structures were not exclusively characteristic features
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